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You are here: Home / DOWNLOAD STANDARD EBOOKS / Challenge and Strategy Rethinking India's Foreign Policy by Rajiv Sikri PDF. The book examines India's current and looming foreign policy challenges from a strategic and policy-oriented perspective. It analyzes the long-term factors and. Challenge and Strategy: Rethinking India's Foreign Policy [Rajiv Sikri] on computerescue.info *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Challenge and Strategy.
Under a qualified and experi- enced leadership, sometimes a state can achieve more than what its capability allows. The success of Russian foreign policy under Vladimir Putin can be attributed to his personality.
Nevertheless, the role of leadership is circumscribed by the domestic and international circumstances. Change in Domestic Variables Domestic variables are regarded as a primary determinant of foreign policy. Changes in domestic variables such as regime type, ideology, ruling party, economic and military capabilities, media, business, and public opinion, among others, also can decide the degree of continuity and change in foreign policy.
In international relations theory, liberalism and neoclas- sical realism emphasize over the domestic variables in foreign policy analysis.
The preferences are at the core of driving foreign policy. Unlike the structural realism, by recognizing the role of Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 21 2 domestic variables in foreign policy analysis, neoclassical realists argue that domestic-level factors such as leader images, state-society relations, strategic culture, and institutions play an intervening role between dependent and independent variables Ripsman, Taliaferro, and Lobell 58— Changes in these variables can lead to a change in goals and strategy.
Hermann and Joe D. Availability of choices or lack of it affects foreign policy goals and strategies. In anarchy, by restricting or providing incentives for specific alliance patterns, the systemic variables shape the way and in collaboration with whom a state will pursue its national interests.
For instance, the post-Second World War goals of Indian foreign policyensuring the independence of foreign policy by keeping the country out of the ongoing power politics—and the strategy to pursue it through the Non-Aligned Movement underlines the role of systemic variables in shaping foreign policy goals and the strate- gies of a state. In a bipolar international system, there was a fear that aligning with any superpower may compromise the independence of foreign policy.
Although leadership and domestic variables play an important role in determining foreign policy behavior, the role of structural variables cannot be ignored. Any of the three factors can bring about change in Chandra foreign policy, but none of them can bring about a major change on its own. Even change in more than one variable may bring a major change but not necessarily.
Most often, a major change is a result of a change in systemic variables followed by a change in either or both of the remain- ing variables. Modi Government and Changing Patterns Alignment Pattern Non-alignment, meaning to keep away from power politics was a defining feature of Indian foreign policy. Multi-alignment turn in Indian foreign policy was a repercussion of the change in foreign policy strategy.
Vajpayee government laid the foundation of a strategic partner- ship in when India signed its first strategic partnership agreement with France. Although India bid for the NSG membership could not succeed, however, it succeeded in joining the latter.
Continuing the tradition to establish a strategic partnership, Modi gov- ernment has also signed strategic partnership agreements with Seychelles, Mongolia, Singapore, the UAE, and Rwanda. All the while, older friends like Russia have received relatively less attention.
First, as the Rao government decided to link the Indian economy with the world economy, it lost the impera- tive to have an exclusionist regional policy.
It remained no longer feasible to insist on keeping extra-regional powers away from the region. The third is the announcement of the Gujral Doctrine. Lastly, the influence of states in foreign policymaking has increased.
Like its predecessors, the Modi government also pays great attention to the neighborhood. The positive gesture shown by the West Bengal government in the settlement of the land boundary dispute with Bangladesh strengthened the hope.
However, India Pakistan relations have worsened over the period. Surgical strike carried out by India further deterio- rated the situation. Recently there was a wide- spread perception in Nepal that India had blockaded their country.
Nepal saw it as interference in its domestic affairs. With regard to Maldives, India publicly expressed its concern over the ouster of President Mohamed Nasheed. Maldives considered this as interference in its domestic affairs.
The Role of Soft Power Indian culture and religious thought, especially Buddhism, Bollywood, and Indian cuisine were popular across the globe for ages. But for a long time, they were not seen as an asset of foreign policy. Going a step further, the government created a Public Diplomacy Division in the Ministry of External Affairs in and thereafter was active in promoting India in the old and new media Ibid.
A key goal of the new division was to explain on a day-to-day basis the background of policy decisions in Indian foreign policy, to promote a positive image of India as well as to engage scholars, think-tanks, and media through its outreach activities.
Unlike Singh government, which refused to sponsor the World Sanskrit Forum in Bangkok, Modi partici- pates in programs on religion, culture, and heritage.
Several people, mostly Muslims have been killed by the mob on the mere suspicion that either they were carrying or have kept beef in their homes. In the emerging scenario, regarding military power, the international system is still unipolar, Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 21 2 but as regards economic power, it is multipolar Nye 95— Primarily, because of the rise of China and India, the pivot of international politics is shifting from the Euro-Atlantic zone to Asia-Pacific.
The history supports this surmise. The momentum is extending and deepening under Modi. The Doklam dispute has brought militaries of both states face to face. The dilemma has deepened under Modi regime. Later on, two more people were also denied Chandra the visa on a similar ground. Second, tradition- ally, India followed One-China policy and refused to recognize Taiwan Sikri India has put a condition that it will con- sider One-China policy if China recognizes one-India policy.
This can be interpreted as a de facto recognition of the Chinese claim over Taiwan. These incidents indicate an ongoing balancing-bandwagoning dilemma in the Indian foreign policy establishment.
The nature of support varies from country to country. In Afghanistan, India is building the infrastructure critical for sustaining democracy. Democracy promotion seems to have lost the momentum generated under Singh government.
The failure maybe caused by the endorsement of the ideology of Hindu nationalism by Modi and his party BJP because Hindu nationalism has hardly any original thought on democracy promotion Ibid. Meanwhile, the problem is how to explain why does India promote democracy in Nepal, Bhutan, and Afghanistan but not in Myanmar?
It can be explained while keeping in mind that democracy promotion is not a core goal of Indian foreign policy. Principles such as non-intervention in domestic jurisdiction and respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity constitute the core of Indian foreign policy Bass India went for democracy promotion in Nepal and Bhutan because a formal request was made while hardly pressed for democratization in Myanmar because such request was not available.
It is no more an exclusive enterprise of the central government and top-ranked bureau- crats.
Challenge and Strategy by Rajiv Sikri
Even at the governmental level, various stakeholders are claiming their say. Due to shared ethnicity, religion and stages of economic development, border states have an incentive to undertake foreign policy activities.
For instance, West Bengal has significantly affected India— Bangladesh relations. Under pressure, Singh had to drop the idea of attending the Commonwealth summit in Colombo Nanda 9. As a consequence of changes in state-level variables, the non- governmental actors such as business, think-tanks, media, civil society, and public opinion have started playing an important role in formulating foreign policy.
However, business has left other non-governmental actors far behind. Given his previous credential as chief minister of Gujarat, Prime Minister Modi was supposed to further democratize the process. But the processes of centralization and democratization are going side by side. When he became prime minister, instead of hosting the Chinese President in New Delhi, he hosted him in Ahmedabad. By introducing para-diplomacy, he has tried to make states partners in his foreign policy.
Handling of the India— Bangladesh enclave issue and hosting the Chinese President in Ahmadabad also raise hope that the government will further decen- tralize the foreign policymaking process.
Amidst increasing centralization, it can be said that India has to do a lot on democratization of the foreign policy decision-making. Conclusion The General Elections brought change in the leadership and certain elements of state-level variables like the ideology of the ruling elites. But most of the state-level variables remained constant. Similarly, there was no major change in the systemic variables.
Under his leadership, Indian foreign policy has turned Indian foreign policy from reactive to proactive. He brought India closer to the USA. Pertaining to soft power, he has emphasized on culture and direct link with the diaspora.
No doubt these changes are important, but not to the extent to be regarded as a major departure. On the other side of the spectrum, democracy promotion hardly could register any development.
Pertaining to the neighbor- hood, Act East Policy and Neighbourhood First policy are still waiting for any substantial achievement. Instead of indicating any significant change, these show continuity. For a long time, the neighborhood has been at the focal point of Indian foreign policy. Ensuring economic develop- ment through diplomacy and reform of global governance have been at the core of Indian foreign policy even before Modi took office. Thus, Modi government cannot introduce any major change in foreign policy goals.
The evolution of Indian foreign policy shows that change in strategy is introduced by the change in the international system. By the end of the twentieth century, when multiple centers of power started emerging at least Indian policy- makers perceived so , a consensus about need of a new strategy emerged. Following the tradition, the Modi government has signed new strategic partnership agreements with Mongolia, Singapore, the UAE, and Rwanda.
No change in systemic variables, real or perceived, has occurred since Modi has assumed the office. To a large extent, they ignore the impact of systemic and state-level variables in shaping foreign policy.
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Even in areas like alignment pattern and emphasis on soft power, Modi government has rejuvenated the works of previous governments though with a new zeal. Thus, in the absence of bringing a major change in goals and strategy as well as a remarkable departure from the past foreign policy, any attempt to give credit for bringing about a major change in Indian foreign policy to Modi will be unfair to the Rao, Vajpayee and Singh governments.
Regarding republic, Indian foreign policy can be divided into two republics. Out of Constituent Assembly members, a of the Tarai region voted in favor, while 11 abstained in the adoption of the new constitution. Members of the circle included Lord Mountbatten, G.
Bajpai, K. Thus, India has a window of opportunity to secure its due place in the world. First, India itself must have a strategic vision. One could say that India has three security rings. The innermost ring is from the Hindu Kush through the Himalayas to the Irrawaddy, the natural geographic boundaries of the Indian sub-continent.
What happens here is of direct and vital interest to India. The second ring extends from the Straits of Aden and Hormuz to the Malacca Straits, the choke points of the Indian Ocean in the west and east. The outermost ring covers the expanse from Suez to the Pacific Ocean rim, the extremities of the Asian continent.
How should India go about ensuring its interests? Various factors, including its sense of pride and self-worth based on a rich heritage of civilization and culture, its past achievements, and its multi-faceted successes as an independent nation, impel India towards strategic autonomy. While India has not harboured any territorial ambitions, independent India has not been a passive power.
India fought against colonialism and apartheid, resisted pressures to join blocs, did not accept the iniquitous nuclear regime of the NPT, and seeks a greater voice in global governing structures like the UN. India has to build up its own strength because it cannot afford to be seen as a weak country that can be manipulated and arm-twisted.
Fortunately, we have in Prime Minister Narendra Modi a strong, bold and clear-headed leader who thinks strategically. His imaginative and dynamic handling of foreign affairs has galvanized Indian foreign policy, which is now, more than ever before, an integral and critical element of an overall national strategy.
The economic content of foreign policy has acquired greater importance. It also entails taking risks and at times pursuing conflicting goals.
A secure neighbourhood is critical for India. From some of its neighbours, India faces military threats and state-sponsored cross-border terrorism.
With others, there are problems like illegal migration, drug and human trafficking, safe havens for militant groups, and activities of religious fundamentalists. At the same time, they cannot ignore the reality and tugs of a shared history and culture, as well as intertwined economic and social ties.
The reverse is equally true. However, India cannot take leadership for granted; it has to earn it. India needs stable neighbouring states and a relationship of mutual trust and economic interdependence.
As India develops, so must its neighbours, otherwise the development gap will lead to a flow of economic migrants from neighbouring countries seeking job opportunities in India through porous, ill-policed borders. To prevent its neighbours from straying away, India will need to deploy considerable attention, imagination and resources.The same is true of the trend toward greater integration of strategic thinking into official policy.
Asia also has serious problems like militant Islam, terrorism, drugs, piracy, and failing states. India too seeks its due place in the world. Destradi, Sandra. Above all, India needs a change of mind-set among its leaders and its people.
It traces the evolution of the issues and evaluates the extent to which they have Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 21 2 gone changed, if any, under the new regime. United Nations. A wide cross-section of the Indian intelligentsia, be they politicians, officials, businessmen, professionals, intellectuals or simply concerned citizens, think that India can and should play a larger and more active role in the world of the 21st century.
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