INDIAN ANTHROPOLOGY BY NADEEM HASNAIN PDF

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NADEEM HASNAIN all books and Notes. Indian Anthropology by NADEEM HASNAIN. – Click here to Download. General Anthropology by. NADEEM HASNAIN all books and Notes Indian Anthropology by NADEEM HASNAIN – Click here to Download General Anthropology by NADEEM HASNAIN. Read story Indian Anthropology Nadeem Hasnain Pdf Download by diocomtitu with reads. download. Indian Anthropology Nadeem.


Indian Anthropology By Nadeem Hasnain Pdf

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of 20 results for Books: Nadeem Hasnain. Skip to main search results Indian Anthropology by Nadeem Hasnain (Palaka Prakashan) | 1 January NADEEM HASNAIN Tribal india (computerescue.info). Rajneesh Lodhi. Download all form: computerescue.info Download all form: computerescue.info Tribal India by Nadeem Hasnain. Book Details. Publisher: New Royal Book Company ISBN Number of Pages: Pages Publication Year.

Historically, the most developed form, and some would argue the only true form, of caste stratification has occurred in India in association with Hinduism. The origins of this sytem are obscure. They probably lie in the twin bases of ethnicity and occupational specialization. The system which the Brahims perfected was founded on five main divisions, four caste groups Varna and an out caste group Pancham Varna , the untouchables. The four caste groups were the Brahmins, the priestly class having religious authority, the Kshatriyas, the secular and military ruler and landlord caste, the Vaishyas the mercantile middle class and the Shuclrci - the servants and slaves class.

Caste has been described as the fundamental social institution of India.

The rules of endogamy are, traditionally, very strict and violations are taken seriously with punishments. It is an elaborate division of labour governed by a well defined system of exchange of goods and services. The patrons jajman or higher castes who control land ownership exchange the land produce against the services provided by other castes.

Because of a sense of solidarity and common consciousness the members of a caste come to the rescue of fellow casteman. The opposition between pure and impure has been regarded by Louis Dumont as the fundamental principle underlying the Hindu Caste System.

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The principle is implicit in the three predominant features of the caste system which were systematically spelt out by Bougie and later endorsed by Dumont. Dumont shows that the opposition between the pure and the impure is implicit in all the three attributes: in hierarchy because the pure and impure must be kept separate; and in the division of labour because pure and impures occupations have to be segregated. This represents a view point of caste according to which both the pure and the impure have their rightful place in the system and each has its privileges and co-exists with the other.

One way of assigning rank to castes in terms of their relative purity and impurity is to study their attributes and accordingly order them in relation to one another.

The attributes of purity include features such as wearing sacred thread, veneration of cow, vegetarianism, teetotalism and prohibiting widow remarriage.

Pollution is associated with human emissions, death, disrespect of cow and consumption of meat and alcohol, to mention the principal elements. The attributes of purity and pollution discussed above may be used to identify the two broad extremes in the caste hierarchy - the Brahmins and the untouchables. But the precise determination of the highest and the lowest among Brahmins and untouchables respectively is conditioned by local interpretations of the pollution concept.

Thus, while scavenging and beef eating would make a caste group untouchable almost anywhere, it may still be able to establish its precedence over some other group through fine distinctions of behaviour. The fact that the empirical referants of the pollution concept are subject to local interpretations highlight the point that caste hierarchy when viewed as a specific phenomenon, is confined to a given local area.

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Hence caste Jati hierarchy shows regional variations. The tendency which results in the hierarchical arrangements of castes in a given locality is often replicated within a caste and leads to the grading of segments both in the same local community and over a wide territorial area. The operation of local interpretations of pollution explains various regional differences in the evaluation and ranking of castes. However, even within a given locality and multiplicity of attributional criteria and the necessity of evaluating them in relation to one another render it difficult to grade all the castes in a fixed hierarchical order.

Dumont attempts to show how these attributes may be used to establish a series of divisions, each more precise than the other, between superior and inferior castes.

For example, the vegetarian castes may be placed above the non- vegetarian ones: among the vegetarians those who prohibit widow remarriage would be superior to those who permit it. Similarly, among the non-vegetarians further dichotomies may be established between beef eaters and non-beef eaters; and among the later still further gradations may be made between those who eat only mutton or birds and who eat pig pork raised by lower castes and fed by garbage.

Dumont argues that such dichotomies, which establish distinctions of relative purity and impurity, reaffirm the importance of the hierarchical principle. At the same time it is difficult to explain that any particular village hierarchy solely depends on the basis of attributional criteria.

A vegetarian caste, in some cases, may actually rank below a non-vegetarian caste. It is also not clear how the various attributes of pollution combine together to form an unambiguous hierarchy of values. For example, are the attributes of diet more important than those of occupation? Among certain occupations, such as butchering goats, cutting hair, and tapping toddy, which would be lowest? Such difficulties led Mickim Marriott to propose an interactional theory of caste ranking based on inter-caste relationships as manifested in the ritualized giving and receiving of food, and the giving and receiving of ritual services.

He considers food transfers more decisive in establishing rank than the receiving of ritual services, but the two are connected since the services are paid for partly in food.

The circulation of food is one significant index of rank because a caste which receives more of the purer kinds of food than it gives to other caste groups may be regarded as the recipient of relatively more ritual honour in relation to the 12 others. Following the same principle, a caste which receives more ritual services from other castes than it gives to them ranks higher. It is lower if it gives more ritual services than it receives or renders these to lower castes.

Caste System as Viewed by Contemporary Social Anthropologists Since the late s, a number of British and American social scientists have taken a new approach to the Indian caste system.

The dominant features of this approach are inspired by contemporary social anthropology. Pauline Kolenda , a keen observer of the Indian scene, in a sharp analysis, has tried to identify the important features of this new approach. According to her, the first important feature is the collection of information about the caste system by residing in a village and observing. According to her 1.

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Caste as a system operates only within a limited locality, a single village or a few linked villages. A village or local population is composed of a series of mutually exclusive castes, usually numbering anywhere from a handful to a score or more.

A dominant caste, or a dominant family, or set of families, typically has preponderant political and economic power over everyone else in the locality. Dominance is rooted in monopolistic control over arable land and in physical force.

Each caste has an occupational speciality, and offers this to other castes in exchange for food, products, or services. Especially important is the foodgrain provided by the land-controlling dominant caste or families to the landless servant, artisan, and medicant castes. This exchange of food, goods and services is a ritual system concerned with purity and population as well as an economic system. Called the jajmani system, it functions so that the highest castes remain pure while the lower castes absorb pollution for them.

Castes within a local caste system tend to be mutually ranked according to their respective degrees of pollution in this ritual system. Efforts to improve caste rank in this local caste hierarchy are made by middle and lower castes, especially by means of discarding polluting customs, and by emulating the customs of the higher purer castes. Political power is monopolized by the dominant caste, family, or families, or occasionally by a pair of competing dominant castes.

Non- dominant castes tend to support their patrons within the dominant segment. Such support may be important if there are factions contending for power within the dominant segment.

Disputes may be settled either by councils within a caste segments, or by one or more elders of the dominant caste or family. The caste segment itself is an endogamous descent group. The local contingent of a caste is usually composed of kinsmen, ideally related unilineally, though often actually related cognatically. Patrilineal descent refers to a line of males related through father-son-links, going 13 back to a common male ancestor. Matrilineal descent refers to a line of mother-child links, going back to a common female ancestor.

Cognatic descent refers to a line, related through either male or female links, going back to common ancestors. Each caste segment tends to live in its own quarter.

Universally, untouchables who are unclean live in isolation from those of purer caste, either in a separate hamlet or on the outskirts of a village. Caste: Cultural and Structural View Caste is a system of stratification. To be more precise, caste system is a system of social stratification in the Indian society. It represents the basic idea or notion or ideology of social stratification in the traditional Indian society. Sociologists, sometimes, take divergent views of caste.

Two most popular of such views are i Cultural view and ii Structural view. The differences in these two views lie not in the basic content but in the levels of analysis. Those who tend to take the cultural view of caste treat it as a system of ideas and values.

It may also include beliefs and norms. In this view, the most important factor is hierarchy, which forms the basis of ranking of persons or groups. Among those who are protagonists of this view, the prominent ones are Louis Dumont, G. Ghurye, Edmund Leach, and M. Treating caste as a cultural phenomenon within the general principle of social stratification, they pinpoint hierarchy of hereditary groups as its basis.

These hereditary groups are separated by caste endogamy, restrictions on commensal relations exchange of food and water and physical contact. But despite this separation and exclusiveness they are interdependent because of the traditional division of labour. The underlying principle of this arrangement is based on the opposition of the pure and impure, a sort of binary opposition.

Yogendra Singh makes further elaboration of this arrangement. He talks of Universalistic or Particularistic categories. Those who take the structural view of caste look at caste at a higher level of abstraction i. Thus, caste for them is a structural reality. Proponents of this view can be found among the Marxist and functionalist sociologists. Desai, a Marxist sociologist, represents this view among the Indian sociologists. Yogendra Singh again divides the proponents of this view into two categories: Structural Universalistic and Structural Particularistic.

The religious sanctions behind caste have been interpreted by the Marxists as simply a legitimizing ideology to sustain the existing mode of production. Majority of sociologists studying the Indian society have subscribed to the structural particularistic view of caste. They have treated caste as an institutionalized system of interaction among the hierarchically ranked hereditary groups for marriage, occupation, economic division of labour, enforcement of cultural norms and values by caste panchayats or organizations.

Structural analysis of caste views it as a system of institutionalized inequality. Thus, caste may also be understood as the structural basis of inequality.

Caste Mobility Sorokin, whose pioneering work on social mobility is yet to be surpassed, says that there has scarcely been any society whose strata were absolutely closed, or in which vertical mobility in its three forms -economic, political and occupational - was not present. At the same time, there has never existed a society in which vertical society mobility has been absolutely free and the transition from one social stratum to another has had no resistance.

Srinivas exploded the myth of caste system as static.

Movement has always been possible. An indication of the widespread desire for mobility comes from an unusual source - the census operations. The Indian census reports of nineteenth and early twentieth centuries give us abundant idea of this upward mobility. The process of mobility becomes more clear if we distinguish models of mobility.

Though, there may be two referents: the dwija twice bom higher castes and modern, educate elite. The cultural emulation of caste elite as referent or reference group is more important in the process of caste mobility yet the modem elite is also used as referent. But in most of the cases both are combined in caste mobility as per the empirical realities. In his path breaking study. Religion and Society among the Coorgs , M.

Srinivas explained caste mobility in terms of cultural emulation of the Brahmins 15 by the lower caste. In terms of varna referents the Kshatriya model has been the most popular. Surjit Sinha, however, describes it as Rajputization instead of Kshatriyization on the basis of his fieldwork in central India. The popularity of Kshatriya model is attested by a large number of petitions by the lower castes before the census officials to change their names and hierarchy and recognize them as Kshatriya.

The Brahmin model of Sanskritization has been the most difficult because in most of the cases the Shudra castes found it difficult to be recognized as Brahmins. Similarly, Pocock has shown successful upward mobility in the case of Kunbi , a traditional middle rung peasant caste of Gujarat to the new and more honourphic status of the Pattidar.

It is generally accepted that untouchability has proved to be such a big barrier that does not allow any upward mobility.

However, F. Bailey in his study of Bissipara in Orissa has presented a rare example, which shows the success of the untouchables in achieving status elevation through Sanskritization. From liquor distillation, a ritually impure occupation, they moved upward after acquiring land and laying their claim on Kshatriya status, which was conceded, though grudgingly, by the local Brahmins and Kshatriyas. In terms of inter-caste mobility, education and occupation have been the most important factors of upward mobility.

With the expanding avenues of secularization of education and occupation a number of individuals and groups within a caste attain upward mobility. Thus, an elite sub-stratum emerges in every caste. We can witness this phenomenon even among the scheduled castes, other backward castes and tribal communities.

Through historical and anthropological analyses, attempts have been made to understand one of the fundamental historical transformation to have taken place in India and in the whole of South Asia.

This was the transition from tribe to caste. Dev Nathan rightly points out that the result of this process was the formation of the institutions like private property, the caste system, the state and the patriarchal family. Paper I must have tribes names from the rest of the world.

Collect such examples in an A4 sheet and revise over and over. Attempt as many Physical Anthropology questions as possible.

They are largely static with immense scope for diagrams. Use internet and YouTube extensively for understanding Physical Anthropology concepts especially Genetics. You can find very good explainer videos and documentaries. In your answers, wherever relevant, you can also write about the latest findings in the field.

Answer like a specialist. Definitions, introductions, criticisms must be scholarly. For a particular concept, apart from the main thinker, try and quote works of other Anthropologists as well. Use internet and newspapers to collect good case studies to illustrate Tribal problems. Cram latest statistics pertaining to them. A thorough reading of Xaxa report is an absolute must for Tribal related portions of the syllabus.

Keep tabs on the latest news pertaining to Anthropology. It can be a new fossil discovery, launch of a new govt scheme for PVTGs, or a new finding in genetic research etc.

When you read papers, have an eye out for such news and collect them in a separate notebook so that you can revise them before the exam.The Santhals working in the Assam tea gardens refer to particular regions of Bihar or Chattisgarh or Bengal as their home.

Real hard work and smart study has to be done by the aspirant. Culture, language and communication: Nature, origin and characteristics of language; verbal and non-verbal communication, social context of language use. Thus, caste may also be understood as the structural basis of inequality.

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The Brahmin model of Sanskritization has been the most difficult because in most of the cases the Shudra castes found it difficult to be recognized as Brahmins. It may also include beliefs and norms. All castes - with the exception of the Brahmin and the untouchable are higher to some, equal to others in rank, and lower to others.

Significantly, unlike Scheduled Castes which are supposed to be Hindu castes along with Sikhs and neo-Buddhists there is no bar for specifying a person as a member of a Scheduled Tribe.

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